United States Should Support Libya’s Quest for Freedom and Democracy - 15.12.2004

15.12.2004 Historically, Libya and the United States enjoyed a good relationship based on mutual respect and understanding. In fact, the U.S. was the main supporter to rebuild the war-ravaged, newly independent monarchy in the 1950s and 60s. However, such harmony soon evaporated upon Gaddafi's illegal ascension to power, and has been acrimonious ever since. Such a reversal in ties is attributed to his [Gaddafi] irrational policies; policies of violence, confrontation and conflict with the United States. Historically, Libya and the United States enjoyed a good relationship based on mutual respect and understanding. In fact, the U.S. was the main supporter to rebuild the war-ravaged, newly independent monarchy in the 1950s and 60s. However, such harmony soon evaporated upon Gaddafi's illegal ascension to power, and has been acrimonious ever since. Such a reversal in ties is attributed to his [Gaddafi] irrational policies; policies of violence, confrontation and conflict with the United States. Many American Political observers and strategists argue that the United States' strategic and vital interests in the Middle East and North Africa are best served by promoting and supporting genuine democracies in these vital, and troubled regions of the world. There has been a belated awareness in American political circles that past American policies of appeasement of dictators, however beneficial in the short term, invariably had disastrous consequences for the United States and the international community. Democratic governments are most likely to seek a lasting peace in the region, and less likely to ferment regional conflicts to stay in power, as current dictatorial regimes tend to do. Stability in the Middle East and North Africa will lead to peace and prosperity, which subsequently will result in diminished extremist tendencies in the region. A frequently used justification for appeasing and supporting many governments in the region is a desire to prevent extremist and fundamentalist elements from seizing power in those countries. This line of thinking does not apply, particularly in Libya. Although the countries of this vital region have similar cultures and histories, their domestic political and social climates are quite different. Libyan society is comparatively homogenous in terms of religion and ethnicity. All Libyans are Sunni Muslims with moderate tendencies and their history shows no signs of religious or ethnic conflicts. In fact, any extremist movement which might have emerged in Libya in recent years was a direct response to the oppressive policies and human rights abuses of Gaddafi's dictatorial practices. Furthermore, Libya's demography, wealth, and small population makes it an ideal candidate for an experiment in democracy. Success in Libya will not merely transform Libyan society, but will positively impact its most populous neighbors to the east and west. A more stable and democratic Libya would play a better role in establishing and fostering a long lasting peace in the region than the often unpredictable, and unreliable current regime. American oil companies are currently spearheading a lobbying campaign to persuade the Bush Administration to forego its call for democracies in the region and to normalize relations with the Gaddafi regime. Their [oil companies] goal is to return to Libya and to claim their share of oil and to make maximum monetary gains. However, we feel that any short term gains that American oil companies and other businesses may foresee from re-establishing normal relations with the current Libyan regime is short-sighted. A more stable and a democratically elected government in Libya would be more conducive to fostering trade relations and establishing long-lasting business opportunities. The establishment of a constitutional, democratic state in Libya that respects its legal, human rights, and political freedoms is in the best interest of Libya, the United States, and the international community. In addition to the aforementioned reasons why the United States should not even consider normalizing relations with the Gaddafi regime, the United States should be mindful of its role as the moral leader of the free world. Such a role has been seriously scrutinized in the most recent past, we feel that a resumption of ties with the Gaddafi regime will seriously undermine the credibility of the United States and will undermine its efforts in exporting democracy. The international community is fully aware of Gaddafi's practice of terrorism and active support of various terrorist groups around the world, his record in destabilizing and invading his neighbors, and of his brutal repression and abuse of Libyans during his entire rule. Gaddafi's oppression was expanded beyond his immediate opponents to include their families and friends. Specifically, we are referring to his so-called "The Collective Punishment Law," introduced by the regime in March 1997. It calls for the punishment of an entire family, extended family or tribe of an individual who commits any act deemed by the regime [Gaddafi, himself] to be threatening to its control and grip on power. The punishments include murder, detention, demolition of homes, and forced relocation. According to Amnesty International, this is the only law of this kind that exists in any country today. Such violations of basic human rights have only been matched by some of this century's most brutal dictators such as Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini. We urge the President and Congress to maintain and to strengthen the US current policies against Gaddafi and act forcefully to advocate his removal and replacement by a constitutional democracy; such an act would profoundly strengthen US-Libya ties, and to it return to a relationship of mutual benefit and respect. Mohamed M. Bugaighis, Ph.D.